In every appearance in front of Diaspora Jews, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon makes a point of encouraging them to make aliyah (move to Israel).
"Make aliyah" has become an almost Pavlovian response for Sharon whenever he is asked what American Jews can do for Israel. Most of the time, people respond with polite applause, skeptical looks, and cynical sneers.
During my years as consul general in New York, I was asked many times why Sharon consistently babbles such an unrealistic response. "Seriously," they would say. "Does he really think it's going to happen? This is his answer to a pointed political question, to someone who truly wants to help him? After all, our political support for Israel is more important than aliyah."
As consul, I always answered that the prime minister was right, even if they thought aliyah was unrealistic, or perhaps that Israel was for "other" people (like Russian, French, Argentine or Ethiopian Jews).
Outdated
Practically, however, Sharon's catchphrase of "aliyah, aliyah, aliyah" doesn't stand the test of time.
The goal of the State of Israel, and the most basic reason if its existence, is to be a national home for the Jewish people, as an independent democracy with a solid Jewish majority.
And it is true that the prime minister, who is employed by the diplomatic and ideological commands of Zionism, is employed to demand, not merely request, that Diaspora Jews make aliyah. An Israeli prime minister who failed to push aliyah, either for ideological reasons or as a result of his analysis of the cost-effectiveness of such a push, would be neglecting his most basic duty as a representative of the Jewish state.
But for those of us who aren't prime minister, the flourishing of America's Jewish community is a development of such historical significance that they demand debate about the practicality and advantage of mass aliyah.
Babylon = New York?
As during the Talmudic period, during the past 100 years, and particularly since the Holocaust and the establishment of Israel, the Jewish world has developed two main centers: Jerusalem and New York.
The two demographic, spiritual, and highly successful centers of Jewish life are Israel and the United States. On the plane of Jewish history, the success of the American Jewish community is unprecedented, both in scope and in meaning.
In a short time American Jews have managed to integrate into society, and turn from an "ethnic minority" into part of the power structure of the wider community in such fields as economics, finance, literature, theater, entertainment, academics, science, philanthropy and the arts.
But from Israel's perspective, the ability of American Jews to play a part in the political games of that country, and to wield enough power to push the country to adopt pro-Israel policies, is the most important yardstick.
Grassroots Jews
In a country that runs on grassroots activism to hold politicians accountable to their constituents, effective organization in the form of local federations, social groups and political lobbies has brought the organized Jewish community a lot of political power.
This power is the foundation of the strong relations between Israel and the United States. We can continue to correctly utter mottos about joint values and strategic interests.
But Israel's power in Washington is built on American Jews. They are the bread and butter that nourish this relationship.
Minimizing the break
Therefore, we need an all-encompassing debate about the direction, makeup and standards between Israel and the American Jewish community, in order to prevent, or at least to minimize, the growing break between the two parties.
It would be a mistake to think that all American Jews are members of the AIPAC faithful and think about Israel first thing in the morning. It would be an even bigger mistake to think there are enough of them to say "make aliyah" and then to walk away.
Of course, there is one more fundamental question: whether a group of Jews, 80 percent of whom are members of either reform or conservative movements, and 65 percent of whom are part of the middle class or upper middle class, is losing its Jewish identity and link with Israel.
It's questionable whether this group would want to come to Israel at all. This is the decisive question, and one that requires its own, separate debate. Sadly, the answer is "no."
Alon Pinkas served as Israel's Consul General in New York.
